Mapungubwe is located at the confluence of the Shahshe and Limpopo rivers on the border between South Africa, Zimbabwe and Botswana. The formation of the Kingdom is a significant event and which begins around 800-900 AD at a site known as Schroda. Schroda was a capital of the Zhizo people and the regional powerhouse for 100 years until circa 1000 AD when a new peoples appeared known as the Leopard's Kopje people (who were Bantu). The Leopard's Kopje people set up a new capital known as Bambandyanalo (or K2) not far from Schroda and Bambandyanalo quickly blossomed into the largest capital of the early Leopard's Kopje settlements in the Shashe Limpopo region, a new regional powerhouse.

The arrival of the new people was marked by the appearance of new ceramic styles and vessels at the Schroda and Bambandyanalo sites. The appearance of these ceramics is associated with the movement of a new group of people into the region, rather than an in-situ development. There were two regionally distinct variants of pottery styles in the area: a southern and northern expression. Leopard's Kopje ceramics represent the southern variant and occur throughout southern Matabeleland in Zimbabwe and the northern parts of the Limpopo Province in South showing the people had migrated south. It is thought that the Leopard's Kopje people were initially drawn into the Limpopo basin by the same promise of elephants and ivory that had attracted the Zhizo people but they had a secret weapon - they were also agro-pastoralists which means they grew crops and raised livestock.

Some the Zhizo people left (possibly fled) moving to Botswana (such as royalty and other members of the elite) but the ones that remained were assimilated into the K2 (Bambandyanalo) culture noted by the Zhizo ceramic style's continued existence – with some K2 (Bambandyanalo) stylistic and vessel shape influences - this style was known as Leokwe.

The Bambandyanalo settlement was organised around the cattle. Putting cattle in the center of the village was both practical and symbolic; a physical manifestation of the political and social importance of cattle to this kind of society. Cattle were used to pay fines, secure marriages (lobola), settle disputes and show fealty to the chief. Power was directly proportional to the number of cows owned. At Bambandyanalo the central cattle kraal is evidenced by substantial deposits of dung, with the remains of huts arranged around the periphery.

Between about AD 1060 and 1080 there are beginnings of a change into a new settlement pattern. The cattle were moved out of the central area of the settlement to make space for the chief and his extended family (Wood 2005:7) with their properties increasing in size. This is early development of what is known as the Zimbabwe Cattle Pattern (ZCP). This later settlement pattern showed a more refined spatial organisation, sprung out of wealth based on trade rather than cattle. The ZCP showed the earliest proof of a hierarchical society in Southern Africa, the wealth based was international trade with many trade brought greater riches and a more exclusive fortune due to the luxury goods in contrast to the previous cattle-based wealth. The function of the court changed from a place for all men to a place for commoners.

Bambandyanalo served as a major economic, trade and political centre for nearly two centuries, and was then later abandoned. This was because the people began to recognize the Chief as sacred - guided/ in contact with the ancestors and directly connected to the land, most likely due to the increased prosperity. The people became wealthy due to the trade boom mentioned above. By 1220 AD as socio-political processes in the valley climaxed in political and economic centralisation, the elite separated from the commoners moving to a hill known as Mapungubwe (situated a kilometre to the north of Bambandyanalo).

The chief became King once on the hill and by 1250 AD had brought the extended family to join the King on the hill and to ensure you could not gain direct access as the introduction of the extended family meant visitors would have to zig zag their way to the king paying respect to his family members. This is shows how sacred the King was thought to be, at this point is also thought the King was no longer visible to visitors and sat behind some sort of veil or curtain. The was also thought to have had a royal praiser - who alerted the commoner down below on the terrace of the King's activities.

Mapungubwe thrived as a Kingdom for until it was abandoned at about 1290/1300 AD. There is no clear reason why but it is assumed to be due to a drought. Interestingly around 1300 AD Great Zimbabwe begins to thrive however it must be noted Mapungubwe and Great Zimbabwe were contemporary (2 separate Kingdoms functioning during the same time period). Mapungubwe's decline did not birth Great Zimbabwe but did lead to Great Zimbabwe being more involved in th international trade.

References

Mapungubwe Reconsidered: A Living Legacy: Exploring Beyond the Rise By Shadreck Chirikure, Peter Delius, Amanda Esterhuysen, Simon Hall, Sekibakiba Lekgoathi, Maanda Maulaudzi, Vele Neluvhalani, Otsile Ntsoane, David Pearce, Karim Sadr, Jeanette Smith ZHIZO AND LEOKWE PERIOD HUMAN REMAINS AND BURIAL PRACTICES AT SCHRODA -ANNIE R. ANTONITES The Zimbabwe Culture: Origins and Decline of Southern Zambezian States By Innocent Pikirayi A Reassessment of the Human Skeletons from K2 and Mapungubwe (South Africa) - Maryna Steyn Ivarsson, E., 2007. A stratigraphical study of previous excavations at Bambandyanalo (K2) http://www.summerschool.uct.ac.za/sites/default/files/image_tool/images/4/2018SummerSchool/Huffman2000 Mapungubwe Cultural Landscape By David Fleminger

Images https://www.theguardian.com/world/2016/aug/07/british-museum-south-africa-host-800-year-old-treasure http://thegreentimes.co.za/mining-threatens-mapungubwe-heritage-site/ https://showme.co.za/pretoria/tourism/mapungubwe-collection-university-of-pretoria/